Ezequiel Ramon-Pinat (Open Universityof Catalonia) & Diana Moisés Toro (Open Universityof Catalonia)
Abstract
The Twitch platform has become a globally preeminent streaming platform, with millions of active daily users who engage with content creation and consumption on the site. Video game content, in particular, has become a prominent feature. Consequently, a considerable number of scholars have been drawn to this video game streaming platform for a variety of reasons, including the presence of sexism and the objectification of female streamers on the platform. In addressing these issues, authors focus on female streamers to ascertain their experiences, perceptions, and interactions with Twitch.tv viewers in relation to sexism, in order to feel the gap between the aforementioned studies. The investigation identify the motivations, challenges and obstacles encountered by female content creators within their community of followers. A secondary objective is to ascertain how they address cases of sexism and harassment on this platform, the measures Twitch made available to female content creators to prevent such occurrences, and the efficacy of these measures. Twitch’s reluctance to address the underlying causes of harassment, its targeting of female creators, and its influence on the nature of relationships that female streamers cultivate with their audience are all salient issues. In addition, a series of recommendations have been formulated for platform policymakers and female streamers.
1. Introduction
The incorporation and integration of women and other marginalised groups, such as queer people, remains a significant challenge in our societies. In the 21st century, there are still locations where access and roles are strongly determined and where women and other marginalised groups are excluded. The situation is particularly problematic in traditionally masculinised domains such as video games (ArsGames, 2022). Association for Electronic Games (AEVI) and the German Video Game Association (DEV) have indicated that in 2021 a total of 48% of video game players were women. However, both communities and workspaces within the industry are constituted as spaces exclusive for men wherein they can establish their position as the dominant players, thereby excluding women (Fisher, 2015; Fox & Tang, 2014; Paassen, Morgenroth & Stratemeyer, 2017).
Regarding e-sports competitors, an alternative version of gendered performance is offered by what has been termed ‘eventful masculinities. These are specifically cultivated on-site with a high-performance community of players who engage with other event-specific e-sports scenes, as well as with the organisation’s own production. Sport, in all of its forms, has been shown to create spaces for the transmission and confrontation of cultural values, especially with regard to gender (Witkowski, 2013).
As for the workplace atmosphere, there was a notable absence of awareness regarding the industry’s misogyny before the emergence of #GamerGate wave of denounces. In 2014, a debate commenced on social media X (Twitter at that time) and on the forums 4chan, 8kun.top and the KotakuInAction subforum on Reddit, in the United States. In particular, the issue pertains to the dearth of integrity in the realm of video game journalism. Rumours spread that video game journalists were publishing favourable reviews in exchange for favours or because of their friendships with developers. This led to disappointment and resulted in a campaign of harassment directed at feminist content creators and female professionals in the industry.
One of the first people to suffer from this was developer Zoë Quinn. She made Depression Quest, a video game that was well-received by one of the Kotaku website journalists really liked. The positive report provoked jealousy from Quinn’s former partner who alleged on social media that her success was owing to her engagement in intimate relations with that journalist. Despite a lack of evidence, Quinn became a victim of a harassment campaign on social media.
In addition to receiving insults and threats, she also experienced doxing, understood as the intentional and public disclosure of personal information via the Internet. Quinn’s intimate photographs have been made public, as well as her home address. These sorts of practises rapidly disseminated to other female industry professionals, including Brianna Wu and Anita Sarkeesian. Furthermore, they garnered support from Felicia Day, an actress who, despite not being a member of the industry, expressed solidarity with them. All aforementioned women became subject to harassment, death threats and doxing (Thomsen, 2014; Hewa & Tran, 2023).
Minor improvements were later produced in relation to the status of women in the professional video gaming field. A new generation of female leaders in video game development emerged. They include Jade Raymond, a producer of the inaugural instalments of the renowned Assassin’s Creed series (Ubisoft), and Amy Henning, a director and scriptwriter of the Uncharted Trilogy (Naughty Dog). At the same time, there was a growing number of initiatives that enabled formation of women and queers networks and associations within the industry. FemDevs and Women in Games, among others. Nevertheless, several studies (Alklid, 2015; Ruberg, Cullen & Brewster, 2019; Ruberg & Brewer, 2022; Cullen, 2022) indicate that sexism and the objectification of women remain to be significant issues.
The aim of this research is to investigate the challenges and motivations that female content creators face on the Twitch platform. In addition, we want to observe the potential impact of sexism and hyper-sexualisation on female streamers. In order to address these issues, the following research questions have been formulated:
What kind of challenges do female streamers who broadcast their content through Twitch face?
In light of this question, further inquiries emerge:
Q1: What are the types of messages that female streamers receive regarding their live broadcasts?
Q2: What are the nature and quality of the relationships between female streamers and their audiences?
Q3: What methods do female streamers employ in response to negative or harassing messages they receive?
Q4: What measures does Twitch implement to support female streamers who experience harassment?
The objective of these inquiries is to ascertain the experiences of female streamers, their perceptions and experiences on the platform, and the difficulties and obstacles they encounter on a daily basis. Furthermore, the objective is to ascertain how individuals respond to instances of sexism and harassment. At the same time, which are the measures Twitch implements to safeguard female content creators from such incidents, and the efficacy of these measures.
2. Twitch.Tv as a Prominent Masculinised Streaming Platform
Established in 2011 as a venue for the streaming of video games, Twitch.tv is the most significant global streaming platform. In 2014, it was purchased by Amazon, and ever since has continued to expand in terms of both content and audience. Somehow, they capitalised the success of eSports and cooperative online video games on a global scale (Alklid, 2015). Restrictions imposed by the Coronavirus pandemic resulted in a surge in the use of the platform, accompanied by a notable increase in the number of active channels, from 3.75 million in February 2020 to 7.4 million in July of that same year (TwitchTracker, 2021). In response to these developments, Twitch invested in the creation of new formats and the diversification of its content. However, the platform remains closely associated with video games.
To engage with audiences and foster a sense of community, Twitch provided a forum for teenagers, journalism professionals and those interested in communication with different backgrounds. Nevertheless, Twitch does adopt a radical position in relation to the prevailing norms of online behaviour, which continue to exhibit a tendency towards sexism (Alklid, 2015). The reasonable deduction is because the level of sexism and masculinisation of the platform, only one English-speaking female streamer, Pokimane, made it to the top 10 streamers worldwide, namely with 9.4 million. Amongst Spanish-speaking streamers, Arigameplays ranked 26th with 6.1 million followers. However, there is a noticeable disparity when comparing their significant numbers of followers with those of other prominent male streamers, such as Ninja and Auronplay who currently rank first and second in terms of global viewership, with 18.5 and 15.2 million followers respectively (Socialblade, 2023).
Nevertheless, the number of followers is not the sole determining factor on Twitch, a platform where new content is continually generated and competition is intense. It is rather the constant creation of content focused on attracting and retaining audience that is of paramount importance (TwitchTracker, 2023). For scholars, Twitch can be interesting as well because “game live streaming intersects many contemporary issues not only around media transformations but also larger considerations of cultural production and everyday users” (Taylor, 2018: 11). Platforms frequently utilise these very same policies as a means of deflecting criticism regarding alleged bias, asserting a position of neutrality or impartiality despite the fact that they are the ones who ultimately oversee these very decisions (Zolides, 2021).
While Twitch is a particularly notable example for its male-skewing demographics, it is still emblematic of other social media platforms and companies using community guidelines and other moderation policies in a way that implicitly reinforces dominant gender ideologies. These companies often use these same policies as a shield from criticism of bias, to claim neutrality or impartiality despite being in charge of those very decisions. More work can be done to explore the ways these semi-legal, public-facing documents play a role in structuring social interactivity in digital spaces and the cultural, economic, and political ramifications of such power.
Within the Twitch platform, there are moral entrepreneurs who utilise their moderation practices to reinforce their social positioning. In relation to gender, the organisation of the positioning space of moderation practices as a realm of social distinction is of particular interest (Ferret, 2025).
The resistance to feminism observed in gaming and streaming culture is not an isolated phenomenon. It can rather be seen as part of a broader trend, since the visibility and influence of feminism continue to grow across various forms of media and platforms (Cullen, 2022). Such is the extent of this resistance that streaming platforms and the communities that surround them have frequently sought to disassociate themselves from the connections between streaming, sexuality, and gender. This is done in order to assert their own apolitical nature and to reinforce their legitimacy within a heterosexual, white, cisgender, and male environment (Ruberg, Cullen & Brewster, 2019). In this way, feminism is perceived as a threat not only to traditional representations of masculinity but also to the very concept of video games (Shaw, 2014). As Amanda Cullen observes, “Live streaming includes a form of toxic masculinity and gamer identity that limits how women may participate and denies any form of feminism that disrupts masculine power” (2022: 545).
It is therefore unsurprising that women and queer individuals who attempt to establish themselves as streamers encounter even greater obstacles to success than their male counterparts. Furthermore, they must contend with an audience that perceives them as outsiders and opportunists, as well as with sexist messages, harassment, and doxing. As Nakandala, Ciampaglia, Su et al. elucidate, there is a pronounced dichotomy between genders in terms of representation on popular channels. Their analysis revealed that gaming-related terminology is disproportionately prevalent on male-oriented channels, while objectifying cues are markedly associated with female-focused channels (2017: 165).
Community standards policies on streaming platforms frequently exhibit discriminatory attitudes towards women and queer individuals (Cullen & Ruberg, 2019). Such users are frequently encouraged to block harassers and offered guidelines on how to stream, while providing minimal information about themselves and their offline lives (Cullen & Ruberg, 2019). This is also evident in instances where the objectification of women is discussed as a factor that reinforces and engenders the structural problem of gender imbalance in online social gaming communities (Nakandala, Ciampaglia, Su & Ahn, 2017). However, the lack of available data precludes any definitive conclusion regarding whether streamers would consent to or permit objectification as a result of social pressure on the platform or for other reasons related to education or culture.
3. The Shift from the Conventional Notion of a Mere ‘Sexual Object’ to that of a ‘Desiring Sexual Object’
On a platform where image sharing content and time with the audience are rewarded, many female streamers must navigate a complex landscape of self-presentation, striving to balance the desire to engage with their audience while also safeguarding their personal boundaries. The act of silencing or even encouraging sexism can result in increased popularity for women, which may in turn facilitate the occurrence of abusive behaviour directed towards them by some users. Furthermore, some may believe that achieving success in the gaming industry necessitates acquiescing to the prevailing norms that normalise or fetishise the objectification of women. This could potentially exacerbate the structural issue of gender imbalance (Nakandala, Ciampaglia, Su & Ahn, 2017).
During the final decade of the twentieth century, there was a significant shift in the conceptualisation of femininity with respect to female sexuality. Previously, key elements such as care, upbringing and motherhood were set aside. The focus shifted exclusively to the body as the source of women’s identity (Gill, 2007; Attwood, 2006; McRobbie, 2004). In this way, the representation of women in the media has shifted as well. Previously, women were presented as passive and mute objects of a supposed male gaze. Nowadays, women are showed as active and desiring sexual subjects who choose to present themselves in an objectified way because it suits their interests which are implicitly liberated (Gill, 2008: 42). This paradigm shift in terms of female sexuality is of great importance when considering the concept of postfeminism. It marks a significant transition from the traditional role of women as ‘the sexual object’ to that of the ‘desiring sexual subject’ (Gill, 2008: 151).
In this way, a variety of female streamers would emerge on Twitch. Those who would embrace objectification as a means of attracting an audience in a misguided interpretation of feminist empowerment, commonly referred to as the busty streamer. Twitch function not only as a cultural space for personal expression but also as an economic marketplace, where “if women and non-binary people become more constricted in their ability to express themselves in an already highly masculine space like video game streaming, they are also being shut out from economic opportunities despite the egalitarian language that often comes from those within the influencer marketing industry and from the platforms that host them like Twitch” (Zolides, 2021: 3013).
Another typology is composed of those who would be offended by the existence of the aforementioned individuals and adhere to the norms that are acceptable to men, thereby protecting the meritocracy of streaming (2022: 545 and 546).
Community standards policies on these platforms frequently reflect discriminatory attitudes towards women and queer people (Cullen & Ruberg, 2019). They often encourage users to block harassers and provide guidelines on how to stream, offering minimal information about the streamers and their offline lives. These actions are still based on a blame culture, with the focus being on the streamers rather than on the discriminatory and abusive behaviours of the users. It is noteworthy that chat moderation tools and systems for reporting harassment, which is often linked to gender and sexual identity, are paradoxically used by participants as a means of further harassing streamers. A mere 25% of moderators have declared themselves to be female (Seering & Kairam, 2023). This often results in the streamers leaving the platform which effectively silences feminist discourse.
4. Methodology
The majority of existing studies on the sexism experienced by female content creators on streaming platforms such as Twitch are limited to discourse analysis of the content of live broadcasts and the chats and comments received by streamers (Alklid, 2015; Nakandala, Ciampaglia, Su & Ahn, 2017; Ruberg, Cullen & Brewster, 2019; Ruberg & Brewer, 2022; Cullen, 2022). These studies do not solicit the perspectives of the individuals experiencing the sexism. To fill this gap, we supplemented the content analysis with a qualitative approach. It consists of in-depth interviews with streamers.
In line with the aforementioned approach, this study employed an ethnographic technique, namely in-depth interviews with key informants. The principal objective of ethnography is to provide a comprehensive account of the characteristics of a particular cultural milieu. This may be perceived as exotic and distant, as in traditional anthropological studies, or as proximate, in the context of research into specific events, groups, subcultures, or institutions (Barbour, 2014). Furthermore, ethnography is an invaluable instrument for discerning the obstacles that women encounter when attempting to gain and retain a presence in male-dominated social networks. However, its utility extends beyond this. It can also be employed to identify the underlying social factors that contribute to this phenomenon (Flick, 2007).
The participants in this study were five female content creators, aged between 22 and 36 years old. The participants collectively possess an average of five years of experience broadcasting on the Twitch platform.
The video games they stream about include League of Legends, Valorant, Fortnite, Genshin Impact, Animal Crossing, and Final Fantasy. The profiles were selected based on three criteria: gender identity, seniority on the platform, and the frequency with which they uploaded content. The initial objective was to include profiles of female content creators who had chosen to cease their activities on the platform. Following the selection process, 25 women met the requisite criteria. All of them were contacted and seven agreed to participate in this research. However, at the end only five participated, citing scheduling conflicts. Contacts were initiated primarily via email and/or private message on social networks, particularly Twitter (now X). Associations of women in the video game industry, such as FemDevs and Women in Games, were also contacted.
All meetings were conducted in real time via video call on the Discord platform. In order to facilitate the participation of the remaining two informants, an asynchronous approach was employed, whereby the questions were sent via email. Nevertheless, no responses were received. The interviews were recorded and transcribed in such a way as to ensure the anonymity of the participants.
The analysis was conducted using the NVivo software tool, which enables qualitative data analysis to be carried out. The software’s capacity to analyse and organise textual, audio, visual and multimedia data, coupled with its ability to play audio and video files, proved invaluable for the analysis. Thematic analysis revealed the following themes: satisfaction, content, image, feminism, audience, conversations, community, intimacy, limits, camgirl, object, harassment, good feminist, bad feminist, Twitch, sexism, measures.
5. Analysis
The majority of respondents consider creating content on Twitch to be a leisure activity. Some streamers work on an ad hoc basis, while others have established a routine of three to seven days a week. In response to dissatisfaction with their roles as streamers, most of them expressed a desire to reach a larger audience. The respondents identified the lack of time and the need for a consistent presence on the platform as key factors. However, they generally expressed satisfaction for various reasons, including personal growth, meeting like-minded individuals and establishing a routine, and coping with challenges.
Upon inquiry as to whether being a woman on Twitch is advantageous or disadvantageous, the interviewees proffered a plethora of opinions. Some indicated that it could be advantageous, as some consumers are more likely to engage with attractive creators, which may result in an increase in followers. If a female streamer can manage this type of user, her gender can be advantageous in terms of monetisation, as there is potential for financial gain. Nevertheless, the majority perceive being a woman on Twitch as a disadvantage.
Regarding the treatment of female streamers, they believe that women are not regarded as seriously as their male counterparts. Furthermore, they feel that they are constantly under observation and evaluation. Despite their efforts to avoid presenting sexualised content, female streamers feel that people accessing their streams are primarily attracted by their gender. In such instances, they report that criticism and negative commentary frequently target their appearance as well as their gameplay. This phenomenon may be more pronounced in the case of transgender women, even when they decide not to appear on camera. Regarding content creation, the interviewees said that they prioritise their own interests because they have noticed that if creators do not enjoy the process, their followers will not be positively engaged. Consequently, they emphasised the importance of developing content that engages the wider community.
The interviewees discuss a range of topics with their audiences, including the video game they are currently playing, current affairs and everyday life. Occasionally, discussions also encompass more personal matters. While they generally acknowledge a positive relationship with their community, the majority do not allow intimate questions, particularly during live streaming sessions. However, some do respond privately if they know the person who posed the question. Some interviewees concede that they do not impose many restrictions and that this may be an area for improvement. They reached a consensus that they would never share data relating to their location, personal information, or matters concerning their intimate relationships or family.
In terms of their public image, most of them appear on camera during their live streams. The main reason is that it is standard practice on the platform. Furthermore, the Twitch algorithm penalises streamers who do not use the camera, positioning them below those who do and promoting their content less. Among those who appear on camera, most place a high value on their physical appearance and consider wearing makeup essential. When asked about their reasons, they imitate successful streamers. Social pressure also exerts a significant influence on the desire to appear and be perceived as physically attractive by others.
All respondents identified as feminists. However, there was a lack of consensus regarding a precise definition. Some identified feminism as equal opportunities between men and women, while emphasising the fight for women’s rights or the process of deconstruction and constant reflection on the situation of women. The majority also stated that they avoid discussing feminism in their live streams, as well as politics, religion, or other controversial topics. However, on occasion, they do utilise the video game itself as a platform for making comments or critiques.
Some women have expressed concern that a significant proportion of viewers treat them as if they were merely performing as camgirls. These viewers ask them to engage in activities that are incongruent with the nature of the content they are creating. They argue that some male viewers are primarily interested in the creators of the content rather than the content itself. This emphasises the significance of physical appearance in this context. Some women frequently encounter men who attempt to treat them as camgirls, offering monetary compensation in exchange for performing specific actions. However, when these men fail to achieve their desired outcomes, or even when they face the possibility of being banned, they tend to lose interest:
“The camgirls’ viewers won’t like one of my streams because we’re looking for different things. My viewers like to enjoy the game, to laugh… they care more about me being funny than being pretty. Their viewers are totally different. They couldn’t care less about the game.” (Interviewee 3).
Some of them may perceive themselves as objects due to the saturation of the platform and the fickleness of the audience. The fluctuating viewership numbers, coupled with the transient nature of the audience’s attention, can lead to a sense of being disposable if one stops sharing content for an extended period. The most problematic aspect of this situation, they argue, is the perception of being regarded as expendable:
“In the end, if you do not stream, they do without you. That is also what Twitch promotes, consumption as if you were an object. In the end (the audience) will go to other people who do. You could say it is like the jungle.” (Interviewee 1).
One of the interviewees provided a detailed account of how, following the disclosure of her whereabouts in a live stream by an acquaintance, she was sent images of the facade of her residence by an unidentified individual:
“There wasn’t much we could do because it was a fake account. I was pretty new to all this, so I wasn’t really sure how to react. I just blocked him and that was it. If I went to the police, they’d probably tell me it was a fake account and couldn’t do anything about it.” (Interviewee 2).
When asked about the most appropriate response to such situations, the majority of respondents said that they had learned to cope with them effectively. They tend to respond with humour, despite being aware that they have previously felt hurt. Some respondents even stopped streaming so that they could address the situation in a more private setting:
“As a trans woman, I’ve been harassed because of my voice. I felt terrible; they were messing up my streams, making me lose interest in what I was doing, and all I could do was delete the message and ban the person.” (Interviewee 5).
As their confidence has grown, some have chosen to directly address the comments. They think that banning is the most effective action. In addition, all respondents are aware of instances where other streamers, whether friends or content creators they follow, have received negative comments and/or harassment. It consisted by attempts at flirting, criticism of the streamer’s playing style, misogyny and intimidation, as well as threats and doxing. The severity of the behaviour seems to increase with the fame of the streamer.
All respondents were aware of the measures Twitch has in place to prevent harassment. The most useful for them is the ability to ban the conflictive person. However, they recognise it is not entirely effective, as the individual can simply create another account by changing their IP address in their internet settings, with no need to verify their identity. There is also the option to report problematic users to Twitch, but if used as a standalone solution, it is deemed ineffective. The analysis of reported content is typically done by a bot. It searches keywords, without considering the nuances of language, such as irony or sarcasm. One of Twitch’s most recent measures, the AutoMOD of the chat, which automatically bans certain words pre-configured in the channel, has also failed to be effective as it does not work properly and correctly identifies only few as negative. None of the interviewees consider these measures implemented by Twitch to be helpful, particularly in the long term.
Nevertheless, the enthusiasm for video games and towards content creation appear to be sufficient motivation for female streamers to persist on Twitch. Moreover, a considerable number of respondents highlight that, despite the unfavourable aspects, they have managed to cultivate a community with whom they can share their experiences. This community evokes feelings of positivity, comfort, and reluctance to leave.
Female content creators are routinely the recipients of messages that are sexist and chauvinistic in nature, irrespective of the content they create. The predominance of a male audience present a significant challenge for female video game streamers, who seek content created by women that is sexualised and even bordering on erotic. The acceptance and allowance of this type of content on the platform would have an impact on other content creators, who would also receive requests and messages from this type of audience.
Such circumstances would define the nature of the relationships that streamers would maintain with their audience. The disclosure of specific types of information has the potential to compromise them. In view of the aforementioned considerations, all interviewees are unequivocal in their assertion that they would never divulge their location to their audience. The Twitch platform was characterised by a prevalence of negative messages and instances of harassment, particularly in situations where male users were unable to obtain the desired information, attention, or intimacy from the streamer. In other instances, the messages were sent without justification, based solely on the sender’s perception of the recipient’s gender, particularly when the latter engaged in gaming activities that were widely popular. Furthermore, the pursuit of a larger audience would also result in greater exposure to toxic content.
6. Conclusions
The primary motivation for the interviewees to commence creating content on Twitch was their enthusiasm for video games. This inspired them to engage in the act of entertaining and communicating with the public in a similar way to the individuals they follow, as well as providing a way to temporarily escape from the challenges they face in their everyday lives. Conversely, additional motivations included the showcasing of their playing style, the introduction of lesser-known video games to a wider audience, and the generation of an additional source of income.
Regarding the types of messages that female streamers receive during their live broadcasts (1), negative messaging and even harassment are prevalent on the Twitch platform. The majority of respondents stated that the prevalence of these messages is contingent upon the specific video game being played. However, they noted a significant increase in frequency when engaging with mainstream video games and a corresponding decrease when playing indie video games. The most common comments are about flirting (first), requests to access the streamer’s personal social media accounts (second), criticism of their gameplay (third), mansplaining advice on how to improve (fourth), and requests to play privately (fith). Comments concerning the physical appearance of the streamers, as well as insults and sexist and chauvinistic remarks, are also commonplace. These comments can potentially damaging to the streamers’ reputations.
About the nature and quality of the relationships between female streamers and their audiences (2), most of the people we spoke to felt as objects on Twitch at some point. This is not just because of the requests and comments that come to their channels from strangers but also because some of them feel that whoever pays, demands. The most toxic messages and those that would cause the most distress to streamers are those related to their physique and also sexist and macho insults.
The methods female streamers employ in response to negative or harassing messages (3) is replying and banning. A strategy employed to safeguard themselves is the utilisation of humour and sarcasm as a form of defence. As a relatively new platform, it allows both men and women to enter at the same time, but in fact it tends to exclude women by objectifying and sexualising them, thus ensuring that they are not treated equally with respect to male streamers. In a kind of parasocial relationship, the audience would seek greater intimacy and closeness with the streamer, despite the minimal familiarity that typically characterises such a relationship. This would result in a significant proportion of them feeling the need to constantly protect themselves from the risk of sharing too much and thereby putting themselves in a potentially dangerous situation, whether in the form of unwanted advances or violent behaviour.
The measures that Twitch implement to support female streamers who experience harassment are insufficient (4). Our analysis revealed that Twitch is a platform with a predominantly masculinised content creation and consumption environment. Therefore, in a similar manner to other workspaces within the industry previously mentioned, Twitch would seek to become another exclusive space for men in which to establish its hegemonic position by excluding women. The sexualisation and objectification of female streamers, when considered the lack of involvement of Twitch, victimise female creators than address the root issue of harassment. Also, they influence the nature of the relationships that female streamers would cultivate with their audience.
In consideration of the aforementioned evidence, it can be proposed that the findings would serve to corroborate the hypersexualisation of women’s bodies and the pervasive sexism observed in video games. This is a consequence of the hypermasculinised nature of the industry and the broader community, as well as the heteropatriarchal and capitalist structures that underpin society. In this sense, the Twitch platform can be seen as a reflection of wider societal norms, offering a seemingly free platform where anyone can become a creator and gain an audience on the basis of the promise of success and fortune. However, as with many other platforms, female creators are once again positioned as a commodity, available for the gratification of male desire.
7. Recommendations
It is noteworthy that none of the interviewees regarded the measures implemented by Twitch as beneficial, particularly in the long term. It is recommended that Twitch allocate specific spaces for female streamers to articulate their perspectives and that these voices be given due consideration. The appointment of women as moderators, in conjunction with the provision of instruction on genre ideology, would be a positive development.
The utilisation of automatic bots and AutoMOD is inadequate in addressing the issue. Quickly, harassers develope ways of bypassing them. Additionally, Twitch has the capability to configure its algorithm in a manner that does not result in the penalisation of streamers who do not display their bodies.
Conversely, it is imperative for female streamers to assert their authority over their channels. It is imperative that they articulate the type of behaviour that will not be condoned, while simultaneously ensuring that they do not overreact or afford undue prominence to harassers. It is imperative to maintain focus on the objective of the stream, which is the discussion of videogames. In the short term, the banning of individuals who do not adhere to the channel’s regulations can be considered a functional measure.
Conversely, it is imperative for female streamers to assert their authority over their channels. On the one hand, they have to make it clear the kind of behaviour they are not going to tolerate, but on the other hand, not to overact or give too much protagonism to aggressors. Female streamers should maintain focus on the objective of the stream, is the discussion of videogames. In the short term, the banning of individuals who do not adhere to the channel’s regulations can be considered a functional measure.
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Authors’ Info
Ezequiel Ramon-Pinat
Open Universityof Catalonia (Uoc)
Eramonp@Uoc.Edu
Diana Moisés Toro
Open University of Catalonia (Uoc)
Dmoises@Uoc.Edu
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License.